Free Syrian Army getting attention

Turkey has slapped sanctions on Syria and floated the idea of a cross-border military operation, shortly after the Arab League imposed its own sanctions on the Syrian regime.
From China Hand at China Matters

According to Milliyet, as cited by IRNA, France has sent its military training forces to Turkey and Lebanon to coach the so-called Free Syrian Army — a group of defectors operating out of Turkey and Lebanon — in an effort to wage war against Syria’s military.

The report added that the French, British, and Turkish authorities “have reached an agreement to send arms into Syria.”

The Turkish daily said that the three have informed the US about training and arming the Syrian opposition.

According to Milliyet, a group of armed rebels are currently stationed in Turkey’s Hatay Province near the border with Syria.

The report comes as an earlier report had revealed that the British and French intelligence agencies have reportedly tasked their agents with contacting Syrian dissidents based in the northern Lebanese town of Tripoli in order to help fuel unrest in Syria.

Reports also said that French intelligence agents have been sent to northern Lebanon and Turkey to build the first contingents of the Free Syrian Army out of the deserters who have fled Syria.

By Jeffrey White at WINEP

The growing armed opposition movement against the Asad regime is becoming an increasingly important element in the Syrian equation.

The Free Syrian Army (FSA), the armed opposition group that has emerged to confront the Asad regime, appears to be gaining in strength and effectiveness, and Damascus now faces both peaceful and armed resistance. So far, the FSA has proven resilient in the face of regime measures to suppress it.


The FSA was formally announced on July 29, but it can trace its origins to well before that. The group’s formation was a reaction to regime brutality against peaceful mass protests. Desertion from the Syrian army increased as individual soldiers and small units refused to obey orders to shoot unarmed demonstrators or simply decided to abandon the regime. Although not all of these soldiers have joined the FSA, numerous media reports indicate a steady flow of defectors into the group’s ranks.

Defectors include individuals of all ranks, from conscript to brigadier general, and from a wide variety of combat units and organizations, including key regime props such as the Republican Guard and the intelligence services. Some small units have defected as a group, and several battalion-size defections have been reported but not confirmed. In at least some cases, the defectors took their weapons with them. And in most cases, they appeared to join local FSA elements.

Easing the process of defection and FSA unit creation is the fact that the personnel in question are moving from a military organization to a fairly well organized quasi-military force. Based on available evidence, the FSA has a chain of command, organizational and rank structures, and named units.


The FSA appears to be a relatively flat organization, with a command and headquarters in Turkey, possibly a set of regional or area commands with subordinate groups in Syria, and, according to media reports, one or two combat elements in Lebanon.

Command and control appears to be relatively loose, with the Turkish headquarters providing general direction and the units in Syria exercising largely independent control over their operations. Earlier this month elements of two units in the Damascus area — the Abu Ubaydah al-Jarah Battalion and the Muawiyah bin Abi Sufyan Battalion — reportedly cooperated in an action against regime forces, suggesting at least some degree of coordination. Command and control is exercised through a variety of means, including cell phones, email, Facebook, and, presumably, couriers. The regime has reportedly captured a number of sophisticated communications devices from “armed terrorists,” including Thuraya satellite mobile phones, very high and ultra-high frequency (VHF/UHF) devices, and Inmarsat mobile communication satellite systems.

The FSA’s order of battle (command structure, units, deployment, strength, and equipment) is becoming somewhat clearer over time. The group claims to have as many as twenty-two “battalions” operating against the regime; media reports indicate sixteen such battalions are active, with four additional battalions probably active. Yet the number of fighters associated with each battalion — assuming the term is even used in a consistent way — is uncertain. FSA battalions are reportedly led by junior officers, in most cases lieutenants and captains, suggesting formations with 100 to 200 or even fewer personnel. The battalions appear to be independent formations, although higher-level formations may exist. In the Homs area, for example, the Khaled ibn al-Walid Brigade appears to comprise several subordinate battalions.

FSA membership appears to consist largely of experienced military personnel — a cadre of officers and noncommissioned officers with, in some cases, social connections to local families and clans, towns and neighborhoods. In other words, they know how to use weapons and are fighting on terrain they know.

The total number of FSA personnel is uncertain. The group’s leadership has claimed ten to fifteen thousand, but this seems too high. A more likely range is in the low thousands, consistent with the number and likely size of the battalions.

FSA weapons seem to be mostly small arms (rifles, light machine guns), rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs), some heavy machine guns, and various explosive devices. RPGs are being used effectively against the regime’s armored vehicles, especially the relatively lightly armored BMP infantry fighting vehicle variants that have been heavily employed by the government. These types of weapons are generally well suited to the primarily urban fighting waged so far in Syria. Weapons sources include the defectors, reported smuggling (especially from Lebanon, but also Turkey), and capture of materiel during engagements with regime forces.


The FSA is operating throughout Syria, both in urban areas and in the countryside. Forces are active in the northwest (Idlib, Aleppo), the central region (Homs, Hama, and Rastan), the coast around Latakia, the south (Deraa and Houran), the east (Dayr al-Zawr, Abu Kamal), and the Damascus area. The largest concentration of these forces appears to be in the central region (Homs, Hama, and surrounding areas), with nine or more battalions reportedly active there.

Most FSA operations seem to be small-unit actions involving anywhere from a few to a few tens of personnel. The fighting in Rastan and Homs in September and October appears to have included somewhat larger actions. Operations have included defense of local areas, ambushes of convoys and vehicles, attacks on regime positions and facilities, attacks on regime security forces and militia elements, attacks on regime officials and military officers, intervention against regime forces attacking demonstrators, and road closings.

The FSA has also fought at least three serious “battles”: for Rastan/Talbisah (September 27-October 1), for Homs (October 28-November 8), and for Kherbet Ghazalah (November 14). These actions featured sustained engagements with regime forces, and although the FSA broke off the fighting in each case, it was able to inflict losses and generate more defections. The regime was also forced to deploy large combat formations (division or brigade equivalents) in serious combat operations. The FSA’s actions are compelling the regime to deploy forces throughout the country and fight, not just continue to shoot unarmed civilians.


The Asad regime cannot survive without killing, and the FSA has changed the game from one in which the regime was free to kill its citizens at will and without cost, to one in which it faces an armed opposition and is suffering losses. Increased demands on government forces and further civilian deaths will produce more defections, and these processes will in turn escalate the fighting.

Because the FSA is an increasingly important player that will likely influence the outcome of events in Syria, the United States and its partners should make contact with its members and learn as much as possible about the group. Questions concerning its nature, its potential as an armed force, and the role of Islamists can be resolved through such contact as well as intelligence work. If the results are positive, then the FSA should be assisted wherever outside aid would be both possible and effective. Arms, advice, training, and money could be provided through clandestine channels, if nothing else. These modest steps could help provide the Syrian people with a means of self-defense, give the United States additional influence on the situation, and put further pressure on the regime and its forces, perhaps hastening the conflict’s end.

* Jeffrey White is a defense fellow at The Washington Institute, specializing in military and security affairs. The Washington Institute for Near East Policy

Last exit for Syria: Alawite coup
By Abdullah Buzkurt, Wednesday, 30 November 2011

The key to unlock the way to a palace coup is the breakup of the “Alawites unity” as they dominate the army, intelligence, security, business elite and the government — all the key pillars of the regime. Just as the Alawites co-opted Sunni military leaders during their rise to power in the ’60s, the Sunnis need Alawite leaders to ensure the fall of the Assad family from power. The army was dominated by the Alawite officers who compose some 80 percent of the officer corps. In the last nine months, Assad has also engaged in a purge campaign of Sunni officers on a wide scale, fearing that they might revolt. Some of these joined the Free Syrian Army operating bases in Turkey and have launched attacks against Assad’s army.

Conscripted soldiers are mostly Sunnis and make up a 300,000 strong force in the Syrian army. Sunnis dominate the second corps in the army and are led by Circassian Sunni Muslim, while the remaining two corps in the land forces are led by Alawite commanders. Even if the ranking officer is Sunni in one division, the deputy is always an Alawite who has the real power and say in that division. The elite force called the Republican Guard is an all-Alawite force led by Assad’s younger brother Maher al-Assad, who has been cracking down on the opposition. He also commands the Fourth Armored Division and the Presidential Guard. The bulk of the security and intelligence apparatus in Syria is controlled by Bashar al-Assad’s uncle, cousins, brothers-in-law and nephews.

Assad knows that once the unity among Alawites is in disarray, his fate will be sealed. That is why he has even called upon retired Alawite generals to work for him in order to secure their support and to prevent them from joining forces with the opposition. Assad’s nightmare scenario comes from the amplification of tribal and sectarian fighting within the Alawite community. The secretive community is divided along sectarian and ethnic lines, with four major sects as well as four main tribes. They are further divided into clans. For example, Assad comes from the Numaylatiyya clan of the Matawira tribe. The historical bitterness and rivalry among tribes and clans may potentially produce figureheads to challenge Assad’s family.

Landis Comment: Bashar al-Assad is not “from the Numaylatiyya clan of the Matawira tribe,” as the Abdullah Buzkurt asserts. Rather, he is from the Kalbiyya tribe. Hanna Battatu claimed that Assad was from the Numaylatiya section of the Mutawira, but he was incorrect. Patrick Seale straightened this out. Nikolaus van Dam has also confirmed this. Talk to people from the region and they will confirm it as well. One has to be leery of assertions about the number of Alawi officers in the top ranks of the military, and other such specialized knowledge. These numbers do not exist and are based on guesses.

Syrian foreign minister in Saudi Arabia for crisis talks
2011-11-30 12:16:09.830 GMT

Beirut (DPA) — Syrian Foreign Minister Walid al-Moallem arrived Wednesday in the Saudi city of Jeddah to attend an emergency meeting on the violence in his country, the broadcaster Al Arabiya reported. The meeting of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, to be held later Wednesday, was “to urge the Syrian authorities to stop bloodshed, halt targeting civilians, and implement political reform,” the grouping said in a statement.

Der Spiegel: Syria’s Christians Side with Assad Out of Fear

Print E-Mail Feedback 11/30/2011 The Tolerant Dictator Syria’s Christians Side with Assad Out of Fear By Bastian Berbner AFP Two Syrian Orthodox priests wait for the arrival of Russian Orthodox Patriarch Kirill in Damascus on Nov. 12, 2011. A …

Qatar suspends Syria flights
2011-11-30 Ramadan Al-Fatash

Damascus (DPA) — Qatar’s state-owned airline, Qatar Airways, said it was stopping its flights to and from Syria starting Wednesday as part of a package of sanctions imposed by the Arab League on Damascus over its violent clampdown on its opposition. The airline said in a statement released in Damascus that the suspension would be in effect until November 28, 2012.

“Travel companies have to make the necessary changes and notify passengers as of today,” it added. On Sunday, the Arab League slapped sweeping economic sanctions – including halting trade links – on the Syrian government for failing to endorse a plan to allow Arab monitors into the country to observe the situation, a move some say might convince the government to stop its crackdown.

Comments (560)

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551. Revlon said:

Physical, language and moral abuse of detained civilians by Asad army soldiers!
إهانة المعتقلين وإزلالهم.mp4

Those who naively strive to keep the army and security forces intact need to play this clip over and over.

Asad army has had a track record of losing wars and fleeing battle fields.

Their only victories have been over their own unarmed nationals, including children, men and women.

The only fortifications they ever destroyed were civilian homes, historic city neighbourhoods and mosques!

They have only succeeded in inciting fear in their own civilians whom they take pride and joy in hunting down, killing, torturing, and humiliating.

Such legacy was not fortuitous.
It was the shameful, albeit natural conclusion to:
– 40 years of fake nationalistic, progressive, Baathist indoctrination!
– 40 years of advancing loyalty over credentials
– 40 years of fake secular indoctrination!
– 40 years of wasteful spending on building a “professional army”!
– 6 years of perfunctory studying to heal people and save lives as a medical doctor by a narcissist born to and nurtured by a tyrant to be his successor?

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December 5th, 2011, 10:03 am


552. Revlon said:

Army Officer, Ahmad Bahbouh announces defection along with a number of seargents and soldiers and the joining of the FSA, the only legitimate army in Syria.
AlRastan, Homs.

أوغاريت الرستن حمص انشقاق الرائد أحمد بحبوح وبعض الجنود 4 12 2011

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December 5th, 2011, 10:37 am


553. Juergen said:


Interessting comment, first time I hear that the Assads have left the fight against Israel to more “agressive islamic governments”. What happen to the Lion of the Palestinians? So now Syria cares for the sake of Israel? I always thought so that Israels best buddy in the region is after Mubarak Baschar al Assad, seems like hardtime Assadists like you have adopted to this theory.

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December 5th, 2011, 10:54 am


554. Revlon said:

رياض الأسعد لـ«الراي»: لم نلتقِ بأي وفد ليبي كما يروّج النظام

الرأي الكويتية

اعتبر قائد «الجيش السوري الحر» العقيد رياض الأسعد أن التحرك العربي تجاه الثورة السورية لا يرتقي حتى الآن الى تطلعات الشعب السوري فضلاً عن كونه «جاء متأخراً كثيراً»، مؤكداً أنه يقتصر فقط على المواقف السياسية ولا يشمل جوانب الدعم الأخرى خصوصا المالية منها، و«لا يوجد أي شيء حتى على مستوى الجمعيات والمنظمات الأهلية العربية».
وجدد الأسعد، في حوار خاص مع «الراي»، دعوته المجتمع الدولي الى فرض مناطق عازلة على الأراضي السورية لحماية المتظاهرين والجنود المنشقين على حد سواء، مضيفاً ان وجود مثل هذه المناطق يضمن انشقاق العناصر والقيادات «المترددة» في الانضمام الى «الجيش الحر» لعدم وجود ملاذ آمن.
الأسعد نفى ما تردد أخيراً عن لقاء جمع قيادة الجيش الحر مع وفد ليبي رسمي في تركيا، معتبراً أنها «اشاعات يروج لها النظام السوري»، كما تطرق الى لقائه بوفد من المجلس الوطني السوري برئاسة برهان غليون نافياً في الوقت نفسه أن يكون المجلس قد طلب منه وقف العمليات ضد مراكز الأمن التابعة لنظام الأسد.
وفي ما يأتي تفاصيل الحوار:

• كيف تنظر قيادة الجيش الحر الى العقوبات العربية والدولية الأخيرة تجاه النظام السوري؟
– أعتقد أن التحركات العربية والدولية وما تضمنته من فرض بعض العقوبات غير كافية، لأن طموح الشعب السوري أكبر من ذلك بكثير، ونتمنى فرض عقوبات أكثر صرامة ضد النظام، والنظر الى حال الشعب الذي يعاني كثيراً خصوصا بعد أن منع النظام الاحتياجات الأساسية لاسيما مواد التدفئة.
• وماذا تطلبون؟
– نقل أرصدة مسؤولي النظام الموجودة في البنوك الخارجية الى الشعب للاستفادة منها خصوصا في هذا الوضع السيئ جداً، نحن لا نطلب عقوبات تؤثر على الشعب لأنه في حالة معيشية مأسوية بل عقوبات تستهدف النظام بعينه.
• ما حقيقة الأنباء التي تحدّثت عن لقاء جمع بين قيادة الجيش الحر ووفد ليبي رسمي لبحث الدعمين العسكري والسياسي؟
– لم نلتقِ بأي مسؤول ليبي، هذه الأخبار لا صحة لها وقد انتشرت أخيراً نتيجة اشاعات أطلقها نظام الأسد في سياق حربه الاعلامية والسياسية ضدنا.
• التقيتم أخيراً بوفد من المجلس الوطني السوري برئاسة برهان غليون، هل طلب منكم وقف العمليات ضد مراكز الأمن؟
– لا، لم يطلبوا وقف العمليات، لأنهم يعلمون أننا ندافع عن الشعب السوري من هجمات عناصر الأمن والشبيحة الذين يشكلون الخط الهجومي الاول لنظام الأسد.
• وماذا تمخض عن اللقاء؟
– اللقاء كان ايجابيا، بحثنا في مختلف جوانب الثورة على الصعيدين الداخلي والخارجي، والجوانب السياسية والاعلامية ووضع الشعب السوري.
• ما موقف الجيش السوري الحر من فكرة انشاء منطقة عازلة؟
– لا شك أننا ندعم اقامة مناطق عازلة على الأراضي السورية لحماية المتظاهرين والمواطنين بالدرجة الأولى، كما أننا بحاجة الى مثل تلك المناطق لمضاعفة حجم الانشقاقات المتزايدة يومياً في صفوف الجيش خصوصاً من العناصر والقيادات المترددة في الانضمام الى الجيش الحر بسبب عدم وجود ملاذ آمن يضمن سلامتها عند انشقاقهم مع آلياتهم عن جيش النظام.
• هل ناقشتم الأمر مع المجلس الوطني السوري؟
– نعم ناقشناه معهم، ونتمنى أن يكون لديهم دور في هذا الشأن؟
• ومع تركيا أو مع أي طرف آخر؟
– لا، لم نناقشه مع أي جهة غير المجلس الوطني السوري.
• هل يسيطر الجيش الحر على جميع العناصر المنشقين؟ وهل الجميع ملتزمون بأوامر القيادة أم أن كل كتيبة تأخذ قراراتها بنفسها، دون الرجوع اليكم؟
– كل العناصر ملتزمون بأوامر قيادة الجيش الحر، فعندما أعلنا ترحيبنا بالمبادرة العربية أوقفنا العمليات ضد النظام لمدة 48 ساعة على الأراضي السورية كافة، وقد التزم الجميع، وهذا تأكيد على أن جميع عناصر الجيش الحر يلتزمون بأوامر القيادة ولا وجود لأي خلافات، ولدينا القدرة على التواصل مع جميع الكتائب والقادة الميدانيين الذين ينفذون العمليات.
• البعض يرى أنكم تفتقدون الخبرة السياسية بسبب توقيت بعض العمليات التي يرونها قد تضر بالصورة السلمية للثورة؟
– لا، على العكس فجميع العمليات مدروسة ولا يمكن أن تضر بمصلحة الثورة اطلاقاً، فحين قمنا بعملية استهداف مركز المخابرات الجوية في منطقة حرستا في ريف دمشق كان توقيتها مناسباً جداً للتطورات السياسية حينها، بينما حاول النظام تشويه صورتنا باختلاق أحداث لم نقم بها.
• ما مصادر الدعم المالي المقدمة لكم، وهل هناك رجال أعمال سوريون وعرب يقدمون لكم أي دعم؟
– لا يوجد أي دعم مالي من الجهات العربية أو حتى الجمعيات والمنظمات الأهلية، باستثناء بعض الدعم من المغتربين السوريين.
• وماذا عن الدعم العربي؟
– الدعم يقتصر على المواقف السياسية فقط ونشكرهم عليه، لكنه لا يرتقي الى تطلعات الشعب السوري فضلاً عن كونه جاء متأخراً كثيراً، أما جوانب الدعم الأخرى فلا يوجد أي شيء حتى على مستوى الجمعيات والمنظمات الأهلية العربية.
• من أين تحصلون على السلاح؟ وهل لديكم ما يكفي لاستمرار عملياتكم؟
– نحصل على السلاح من العناصر المنشقة ومن العمليات التي ننفذها ضد مراكز الأمن وعناصر الشبيحة، الى جانب شراء الأسلحة من «أزلام» النظام.
• وهل الذخيرة متوافرة بين أيديكم؟
– متوافرة الى حد ما، ونعمل على تنظيم عملياتنا بشكل يسمح باستخدام «نوعي» للأسلحة والذخيرة دون استنزاف.
• هل لديكم تصور عن مدى شعبية «الجيش الحر» لدى المتظاهرين السوريين؟
– الدعم الشعبي كبير جداً، والدليل تسمية بعض أيام الجمع بأسماء تدعمنا وأبرزها «الجيش الحر يحميني»، كما أن المظاهرات واللافتات التي يرفعها المتظاهرون تؤكد يومياً على دعمهم لنا، والمتظاهرون هم الذين يحرضوننا على مواصلة جهودنا حتى تحقيق اهداف الثورة.
• هل تعرضتم لتهديدات أو محاولات اغتيال او اعتقال من نظام الأسد؟
– نتعرض كثيراً لتهديدات بالاغتيال أو الخطف بين يوم وآخر، ونحن نعلم بوجود محاولات يومية للنيل من قيادة الجيش الحر.
• وهل تخشون أن يتكرر مصير المقدم حسين هرموش مع أي ضابط منكم؟
– نحن على حذر دائم من غدر النظام، لكننا لا نخشى منه أبداً لأننا نحمل قضية الشعب السوري المظلوم على مدى أربعة عقود من الزمن.
• ما نظرتكم الى سورية ما بعد الأسد؟
– نرى سورية دولة مدنية ديموقراطية تؤمن بالتعددية وتداول السلطة وتحتضن جميع اطياف وطوائف المجتمع السوري من دون تمييز طبقي او طائفي، وكل مواطن ينال حقوقه كاملة، وأن يتسلم المناصب من لديه الكفاءة.
• متى تتوقع سقوط النظام؟
– هذا يرتبط بمدى التحركات العربية والدولية، ونأمل ألا يتأخر هذا الحراك أكثر من الأشهر التي مضت.
• لكن هل لديكم ثقة كاملة بسقوط النظام؟
– نعم، والشعب السوري هو من منحنا تلك الثقة، فالتظاهرات تتزايد بزخم كبير فلن يتراجع الشعب عن ثورته حتى ولو بقي مواطن سوري واحد.
• ما الظروف الاجتماعية التي تعيشونها بعيدا عن بيوتكم وأهاليكم؟
– رغم ما نعانيه فاننا نشعر بالفخر لأننا آثرنا قضية الشعب السوري على أنفسنا واخترنا التضحية من أجله على حساب راحتنا بين الأهل، وهذا واجب على كل جندي سوري وليس فضلاً.

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December 5th, 2011, 10:59 am


555. Revlon said:

Syrian Observatory of Human Rights in London, Rami AbdulRahman:
The observatory is in the process of preparing its own report on crimes against humanity in Syria.

سورية: جرائم ضد الانسانية بقرار من النظام

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December 5th, 2011, 11:03 am


556. Iran explosion, US strategy | Mideast Matrix said:

[…] training to Libyan rebels, it was done by US allies such as Britain and France. The same is now taking place with the Syrian armed opposition, the Free Syrian Army. But in both cases, US allies trained local […]

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December 5th, 2011, 11:05 am


557. Revlon said:

Leader of the Movement for Justice and Development condemns the endless postponement of of the signing and the modifications that undermine of the essence of the AL agreement.

حركة العدالة والبناء السورية مخاطبة الجامعة العربية: ما يجري من مجازر في سورية لا يمكن اختزاله بمراقبين، والمعارضة الوطنية لا تعنيها كل هذه المبادرات


لندن ـ سوريون نت:

نددت حركة العدالة والبناء السورية المعارضة التي يقودها الأستاذ أنس العبدة بالمهل العربية التي تمنحها الجامعة العربية للنظام السوري، ودعت الجامعة إلى احترام قراراتها والتوقف عن منح النظام السوري مزيدا من المهل، وأضاف البيان إن الحركة والمعارضة السورية الوطنية ترى أنها غير معنية أبدا بالمهل الممنوحة للنظام، وسوريون نت تنشر نص البيان الكامل ..”

في ظل استمرار حمام الدم الذي تشهده سورية يواصل النظام السوري المجرم تكتيك المخادعة والمماطلة واللف والدوران، فيوما يرفض مبادرة الجامعة العربية، ثم يشترط ويعدل الشروط، وسط تمديد للمهل العربية الممنوحة له من قبل الجامعة التي غدت تمهل نفسها عوضا أن تمهل الجلاد القاتل الذي يمعن القتل والتشريد والسحل والاغتصاب بأبناء الشعب السوري.
إننا في حركة العدالة والبناء السورية ونحن نستشعر حجم المجزرة التي يتعرض لها شعبنا بشكل يومي نعتقد أن بروتوكول الجامعة العربية الخاص بنشر المراقبين يفقد محتواه وهدفه بعد كل هذه التعديلات والاشتراطات المفروضة من قبل النظام السوري، ونرى أن ما يجري في سورية لا يمكن اختزاله بإرسال مراقبين أو رفض استقبالهم بعد أن شاهد العالم وعلى مدى تسعة أشهر بالصوت والصورة المجازر والجرائم ضد الإنسانية التي وثّقها تقرير وقرار مجلس حقوق الانسان التابع للأمم المتحدة. ومع ازدياد عدد ضحايا المهل العربية من أبناء الشعب السوري، فإن الجامعة العربية مطالبة أكثر من أي وقت مضى باحترام قراراتها والتوقف عن إمداد النظام السوري بمزيد من الوقت لممارسة فصول حديدة من جرائمه بحق الشعب السوري.

إننا في حركة العدالة والبناء، ونعتقد أن معنا كل المعارضة السورية الحقيقية، في أن المبادرات التي تتلوها مُهل في إثر مُهل لا تعنينا لأنها غير جادة في وقف القتل وحماية المدنيين من آلة القتل. ولا يمكن لعاقل أو أي جهة مسؤولة أن تثق بنظام يرتكب جرائم ضد الانسانية بحق شعبه. وإننا ندعو الجامعة العربية إلى تنفيذ قرارتها بشكل كامل ودونما تأخير أو تسويف.
حركة العدالة والبناء

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December 5th, 2011, 11:11 am


558. Revlon said:

The Syrian Revolution 2011 الثورة السورية ضد بشار الاسد
حرستا: بسبب خروج مظاهرة من إعدادية حرستا بمنطقة الثانوية أثناء فترة الباحة، هجمت قوات الأمن على المدرسة واقتحمتها صفا صفا واعتقلت حوالي 20 طالبا منها وهاجموا معاون المدير وضربوه وكسروا يده ثم اعتقلوه وضربوا مدرس اللغة العربية (من بيت درويش من حرستا) واعتقلوه وحاولت الموجهة اعتراضهم فقاموا بضربها ورميها أرضا.
A school was raided by Asad security and 20 students were arrested on the charge of participating in demonstrations.
The principal was beaten and thrown on the ground as she attempted to resist.

أثناء اقتحامهم لأحد الصفوف وضربهم واعتقالهم العشوائي للطلاب، مسك أحد عناصر الأمن أحد الطلاب وسأله هل تخرج بالمظاهرات فأجابه بلا. فأمسكه وهدده بحرق يده بالصوبية إن لم يعترف، فرفض. فوضع يده على الصوبية واستجوبه لفترة والصبي يصرخ ويقول بأنه لم يخرج بمظاهرات، بقي يحرق يده لفترة أمام بقية الطلبة وعناصر الأمن حتى قال الطالب أنه يتظاهر، فأخذوه مع المعتقلين.

One of the students was tortured on site by burning his hand on the stove until he accepted to declare that he participated in demonstrations in order to justify his arrest by the force.

30 minutes ago

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December 5th, 2011, 11:23 am


559. Humanist said:

539. Hans:
Hopefully Turkey will be the biggest loser of the Syrian conflict and soon will have the MONKEY Erodgan funeral ( i don’t bother to check the spelling of his name)

I such a comment allowed here? Isn’t that a death threat?
Will you personally kill him or you hope a Mukhabarat agent will do so?

Like it or not, Erdogan is democratically elected by the people of Turkey (Turks and Kurds, Circassians, Georgians and Arabs), unlike your “hero” who didn’t have to do anything to win the people’s support except happen to be born as the son of his father…

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December 5th, 2011, 1:22 pm


560. circassian said:

I’ am really astonished from Mr. Buzkurt analysis about the Syrian army giving all this influence to the Circassian minority.
Myself, as member of this minority & a son of a retired army officer in from Syrian army, i can assure you that the number of the army officers from circassian minority is absolutely in no way makes them in position as mentioned by him “Sunnis dominate the second corps in the army and are led by Circassian Sunni Muslim”. I hope Mr. Buzkurt review his information before fiving such research

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January 12th, 2012, 5:23 am


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