“Observations of a Homsi living in Tartous,” by Aboud Dandachi

Aboud Dandachi in Istanbul, where he recently acquired his residency card.

Observations of a Homsi living in Tartous
by Aboud Dandachi
Written for Syria Comment, January 20, 2014

*Aboud Dandachi is a Syrian activist from Homs, currently living in Istanbul. He is the author of the blog “From Homs to Istanbul” at www.adandachi.com/istanbul (The Dandashi family is a well known Sunni family.)

Over the course of the Syrian conflict, the port city of Tartous has been regarded as a bastion of loyalist support, a regime stronghold, and a city whose populace are loyal to Bashar Assad.

In fact, only two of the above statements are true.

I moved to Tartous in late March 2012, after being displaced first from my home in Homs, and then from my village of Telkelakh. Like all displaced persons since the beginning of time, I thought my troubles would be a temporary and I’d be able to return home once the situation improved. I hoped.

But as it turned out, I spent eighteen months in Tartous, living my life in an area no bigger than ten square kilometers. During those months, Tartous was like a small passenger boat; crowded, but offering safety from the storm raging in the middle of an infinite sea of tidal waves of anxiety and war.

The situation was surreal. By March 2013, the anniversary of my move to Tartous, half the populace consisted of displaced people who had relatives actively at war with relatives of the other half. I myself came from a village well known for its opposition to the regime; three cousins of mine and numerous distant relatives had taken up arms against the state, whose own rank and file consisted of the relatives of the taxi drivers, shop keepers, hotel staff and restaurant workers of the city I looked to for refuge. It was absurd.

And yet, in eighteen months in Tartous, I never once heard a single word of abuse or experienced any act of aggression. Tartus before the war was equal parts Christian, Alawite, and Sunni. My being a Sunni from Homs was never held against me.

On the contrary, anytime the topic of Homs came up with a native of Tartous, the conversation would invariably lead to reminiscing about Homs’ previous status as “Um el fakir”, as Homs was called, the Mother of the Poor; memories of shopping for Eid cloth in a city where Eid shopping was much cheaper than the coast or Damascus; where one could get one’s car fixed for half the price a workshop would charge in Tartous; a city where rents and the very cost of houses were ridiculously cheap by the standards of any major cities. To a native of Tartous, pre-conflict Homs used to offer a cheap alternative to the much higher cost of living of the coastal areas.

And almost every such conversation would end in someone voicing eternal damnation on the souls of the Saudis, Turks, Chechens, Pakistanis, Libyans, Jordanians etc etc who had supposedly infiltrated Homsi society and turned it into a “well of terrorism”, and a place where the most barbaric acts of inhumanity were regularly practiced on those who had not sold their souls to Zionism-Wahabism-CIAism and were still loyal to…well, what a good Syrian should be loyal to exactly depended on the person you were speaking with.

It’s inevitable that when a people’s lives have been disrupted and affected by events, people will spend a great deal of time discussing and debating those events. In Tartous, the most honest opinions could always be gleaned from discussions that took place late at night; in the hotel lobbies when only the staff and a few night owls were left awake; at the restaurants or sidewalk cafes closing up for the night and the only ones left were the staff drinking one last cup of coffee before heading home, or in the Internet cafes, sparsely filled with customers taking advantage of the ultra cheap midnight rates to Skype with relatives in Europe or Canada.

The president. The regime. The state. To a Homsi whose city had suffered the worst of the conflict up to that point, all three were one and the same, inseparable. The revolution was about getting rid of the president, to cause the downfall of the regime, and create a new state. What the nature of the new state would be was something the myriad groups that made up the opposition never did get around to agreeing on.

The president, the regime and the state. To a Tartousian, these were three very distinct and separate entities, a fact that took me a very long time to understand. Being a “loyalist” meant different things to different people. In eighteen months, very few people had a kind word to say about the president Bashar Assad. Explicit criticism of his person was never voiced openly, of course, but there were plenty of criticisms of the “strategy” of the war, of its “handling”, and many wistful nostalgic yearnings for the “wisdom and experience” of Hafiz Assad. I lost count of the number of times I heard it said that Hafiz would never have allowed things to reach the point they did. One didn’t have to scratch much beneath the surface to detect a distinct lack of enthusiasm for the younger Assad’s abilities as a war leader.

Which was not to say that having no faith in Bashar’s abilities to handle the conflict, meant that a person was part of the opposition. Among the people of Tartous, there was a clear and very well defined distinction between the president, the regime and the state. I met no one who expressed much love for the president. The vast majority however, felt that the regime was a necessity, and would have gladly been happy to see the current regime headed by a new president.

And every person in Tartous felt that they were part of a struggle to preserve the very state and its institutions. Tartousians did not want to live in a failed state, and if the state collapsed, the average person in Tartous felt like they had nowhere else to run to. While I myself never experienced any discrimination or hostility as a displaced person from Homs, I heard nothing but scorn and contempt whenever the topic of the hundreds of thousands of Syrians who had fled to Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt or (especially) Turkey came up. In Tartous, a person who seemingly abandoned the country to live in a refugee camp was regarded as being beneath contempt.

In a way, it wasn’t hard to understand why this should be so. The people of Tartous had their backs to the sea, in almost a literal sense. If the war reached the city, there would be no place for them to flee to. Many Sunnis from other parts of Syria had fled to the Gulf and other countries. Alawites, Christians and those Sunnis who had remained loyal to the regime could count on no such welcome. For the most part Tartousians didn’t have the luxury of contemplating a life as refugees in other countries, it was a convenience that would not be afforded to them.

Well, displaced people who found themselves in Tartous did infact contemplate very much life as refugees in other countries. By the summer of 2013, the number of Sunni and Christian refugees in Tartous overwhelmingly outnumbered the local Alawites in the city. Every Christian displaced family I knew was biding time until relatives abroad could arrange for them to get visas. Canada and Sweden were particularly favored as destinations. One Christian female doctor from Aleppo had made no less than eleven visa requests to the USA, Canada and European countries.

Evert day saw a massive crush of applicants at the Immigration and Passports department, which is a small three story building, designed to handle many fewer applicants then the hordes now trying to leave the country. At the beginning of the uprising and as late as March 2012, a person could walk into the Tartous passport department in the morning, and leave in the afternoon with new passports for himself and his family of six kids, a widowed sister, and her six kids.

When I went to renew my passport,the place was a hell hole. My name was put on a waiting list and I was given an appointment five weeks away. On the appointed day, if your name wasn’t on the appointment list, there was no way you were stepping inside the building, no matter how desperate your sob story, who you had tried to bribe, or how urgently you needed to leave the country. It was the only way to bring order to an insanity created by the fear that at any day, the state’s institutions might collapse, and those without passports would become refugees without travel documents for the rest of their lives. Even after submitting all the required paperwork, it would take another month for a new passport booklet to be issued, such was the shortage in new passports.

In August 2013, a new fast track system was implemented. Pay 16,000 liras, and you could get your passport two days later. People cynically referred to it as Assad’s idea of a “reform”.

For Tartousians, the preservation of the state and its institutions were essential to their own survival; the preservation of the president, not so much. Indeed, spend enough time in Tartous, and one would get the unmistakable impression that the president himself was increasingly seen more as a liability; what the people of Tartous wanted was a more capable leader to lead the same regime and ensure the preservation of the same state.

As the number of displaced people fleeing to the city increased, the cost of living screamed up, leaving most with no way of coping. Apartments whose rent had been 5,000 liras a month were going for five times that, putting them out of reach of the ordinary Tartousian. Daily, the city experienced traffic jams that rivaled those of the major metropolises. In the eighteen months I was in Tartous, the price of food, taxi fares and cloth more than tripled.

You could also see the demographics of the city change before your very eyes. It would be no exaggeration to say that females outnumbered males to a ratio as high as twenty to one. At any time, one’s favorite shawerma vendor, shopkeeper, vegetable seller or barber might suddenly close shop, having been called up to “perform his national duty”, and serve in the reserves for an undefined period of time. “Talbeno”, they requested him, was a phrase that was dreaded in Homs. It meant the security forces were after a specific person. The same phrase in Tartous meant that a person was being called up into the reserves, to be sent to God knows what front line.

And yet throughout all this, there was never a backlash against the newly arrived displaced persons. A woman could walk in the streets in a niqab without a second thought, in contrast to the stories that were coming out of some of the areas of Syria that hardline Islamist groups had taken over.

Within the ten square kilometer “bubble” that made up the safe areas, life went on as normal. The regime’s security forces didn’t have a single checkpoint set up within the city itself. The only time weapons were fired inside the city was during military funerals, or right after one of Assad’s (mercifully infrequent) speeches or interviews. And the day that the Egyptian army deposed Mohamed Morsi. That party lasted well into the night.

Which is not to say that security in Tartous was lax. Some days, the queue of cars waiting to pass through the checkpoints on the city’s outskirts would stretch for miles. If you were on the run from the regime, Tartous was not the place to hide in. Twice I heard of individuals from my home village being arrested in Tartous (they were later released when it turned out they shared similar names with individuals on the regime’s shit list). My favorite mobile phone shop owner was hauled in by the State Security branch to explain where he got the money for his opulent lifestyle (amazingly, there was never any shortage of the latest iPads and smartphones in Tartous).

I myself was interviewed three times by mukhabarat from the State Security branch during my stay in Tartous. It was standard practice, even before the conflict, for checks to be made on anyone staying long term at hotels. The interviews were conducted in the lobby of whichever hotel I’d happen to be staying at, and were friendly and polite. I was asked a bunch of questions about my family relations, the answers to which I had no doubt whatsoever the agents already knew.

Indeed, during the first interview, the person interviewing me seemed more concerned that I was running away from some vendetta in Homs. “Did someone threaten you back in Homs? Are you running away from some gang?”

No, I was running away from a military occupation. My home neighborhood of Inshaat was being choked by frequent raids and random arrests being conducted every few weeks. In Homs, if I wasn’t  home by 4 pm, my relatives would start collecting ransom money in the expectation that I’d been kidnapped by the shabihas. In Tartous, I’d hear the same shabihas complain at night over coffee about late salaries, long assignments with little leave, and a desire to see the regime “get serious about finishing off the terrorists”.

The shabihas got their wish on August 21st 2013. I woke up to frantic Whatsapp messages from relatives in the Gulf with news of the Ghouta chemical weapons attack.

In a moment, the very atmosphere in Tartous changed. There had always been an undercurrent of tension in the city, as if people somehow knew in their bones that the calm they were enjoying couldn’t possibly last indefinitely. Overnight, Tartous had turned from a safe haven, to ground zero in any NATO attack on the country. I started seeing in my fellow Tartous residents, the same sickening fear and sense of impending doom I’d feel back in Homs, whenever I heard rumors of military buildups.

That Saturday, the 25th of August, was the most nerve racking day I’d experienced since coming to Tartous. People in Tartous were convinced that a NATO attack was all but inevitable, and that a long overdue reckoning was at hand. The chemical weapon attack on Ghouta was just the excuse the “conspiracy” needed to finally finish off what had been started by the “armed groups”. That night, the lobby of the hotel I was staying at turned into something resembling a refugee camp, with families vacating their rooms on the upper floors and instead choosing to spend the night downstairs.

The next day, more than half the hotel staff didn’t show up for work, and the normally bustling commercial street in which the hotel was located was eerily quiet. Most of the hotel’s occupants were Christian families from Aleppo, who had been biding their time until relatives in Europe and North America could arrange visas for them. A lot of these same families decided, screw it, it would be much safer to wait in Beirut.

On August 29th, I was sitting in the lobby when I heard gunfire out on the cornice, with exuberant chants of “We are shabihas, we are shabihas!” OK, a demonstration to demonstrate the city’s defiance and “steadfastness”, I thought to myself.

Actually, it turned out to be a celebration. The British parliament had just voted to reject any involvement in any military action in Syria. Just as suddenly as the atmosphere in Tartous had changed to a city on the edge of a catastrophe on August 21st, the emotional pendulum swung the other way round; the long feared specter of foreign military intervention, the consequences of which Tartous would have borne the brunt of, in one night had had a stake driven through its heart, and buried in a six foot grave.

Tartousians were euphoric, as only someone who has survived a close brush with death can be. The regime had spat in the eyes of the “NATO dogs”, and gotten away with defying the “great powers”.

As the following days and week saw Barack Obama desperately try to squirm his way out of his “red line” commitments to make Assad pay for any chemical attack, many an unflattering remarks were heard in the hotel lobby and cafeterias regarding Obama’s manhood, or lack thereof. The man who was once feared as the embodiment of everything tormenting Syria, in the space of one week become an object of derision and scorn; a bumbling clown who was flailing at the deep end of a swimming pool.

For me, it was a clear indication living in Syria had become untenable. Anyone who remained in Syria could only look forward to increased brutality by a regime that had discovered it had absolutely no consequences to fear. There was now nothing to stop Assad from butchering the population wholesale, and the countries neighboring Syria were not going to keep their borders open indefinitely. In early September, I left Tartous and crossed into Lebanon.

I left behind a city that had sheltered me during eighteen months when the rest of the country was experiencing hell, a city whose populace realized that they were stuck between Assad’s extremists and Al-Qaeda’s, with no way to save the country. A city whose populace did not want to live under the Islamists who have come to dominate the opposition, but who were desperate to preserve the state as it was, lest they become, like so many Palestinians and Iraqis in the region, themselves stateless.

Comments (20)

Observer said:

This is child’s play comapred to what is coming. There will be massive revenge and counter revenge killing and massive population shifts.
The three elements of a collapse of a society like the Maya would be
Population explosion
Political Disruption
Environmental disaster
All three are what will constitutue a complete disintegration of the society as we know it.

January 21st, 2014, 12:27 pm


Amir in Tel Aviv said:

Are you the same “Aboud” who used to comment here during the first days of the revolution?

January 21st, 2014, 12:38 pm


Aboud Dandachi said:

Thank you professor Landis for being kind enough to post my observations during the time I was in Tartous.

On my blog, Ive written about my experiences with remittance offices in the city. When I left in September 2013, Tartous had the only two working Western Union branches outside of Damascus. Those two branches had to serve people from Tartous, Latakia, Homs, Hama, Aleppo and the entire coast. It was, as you might expect, mayhem.


Edit: Yes Amir, I am the same noisy Aboud. I’m in Istanbul now. I did my damnest to stay in Syria, but the chemical weapons massacre was the last straw.

January 21st, 2014, 12:46 pm


Rose Damas said:

A reminder that this memoir was posted here because a Sunni woman who is against Assad requested that someone writes something about the plight of the Alawites and what is their role in current events in Syria.

All who defend Assad regime intentionally avoid discussing actions or inactions of the Alawite community.

And all who defend Assad regime ignore the heavy price the Alawite community is paying in term of lives lost serving the house of Assad.

And no one recommend any alternative course of action Alawites might take instead of continuing fighting for Assad.

January 21st, 2014, 1:01 pm


Akbar Palace said:

Very interesting story.

January 21st, 2014, 2:05 pm


Alan said:

In 2011, Obama and his administration have said on Assad to leave, since that time the United States had incorporated itself as a part of the problem! Then became U.S. administration manages the process of militarization of the Syrian Revolution!
And when US found that the Syrian army coherent and strong and it will not be able to achieve its goal,and they found that the radical groups became undisciplined and threatening the world, became mired under pressure from allies!
Who can tomorrow, in a Switzerland conference claims that the Syrian people hope is: Al-Nousra front , ISIS or radical Islamist front ?

January 21st, 2014, 3:04 pm


Alan said:

Storyteller rejoice hearers! 😉 Bravo

January 21st, 2014, 3:09 pm


Tara said:

Matt, in reference to our last discussion:

Finally at last. The Western intelligence agencies discovered how Bashar al Assad funded and cooperated with al Qaeda. Even our own Aron Lund was quoted here.

By Ruth Sherlock, in Istanbul and Richard Spencer7:53PM GMT 20 Jan 2014

The Syrian regime of President Bashar al-Assad has funded and co-operated with al-Qaeda in a complex double game even as the terrorists fight Damascus, according to new allegations by Western intelligence agencies, rebels and al-Qaeda defectors.
Jabhat al-Nusra, and the even more extreme Islamic State of Iraq and al-Shams (ISIS), the two al-Qaeda affiliates operating in Syria, have both been financed by selling oil and gas from wells under their control to and through the regime, intelligence sources have told The Daily Telegraph.

Rebels and defectors say the regime also deliberately released militant prisoners to strengthen jihadist ranks at the expense of moderate rebel forces. The aim was to persuade the West that the uprising was sponsored by Islamist militants including al-Qaeda as a way of stopping Western support for it.

The allegations by Western intelligence sources, who spoke on condition of anonymity, are in part a public response to demands by Assad that the focus of peace talks due to begin in Switzerland tomorrow be switched from replacing his government to co-operating against al-Qaeda in the “war on terrorism”.
“Assad’s vow to strike terrorism with an iron fist is nothing more than bare-faced hypocrisy,” an intelligence source said. “At the same time as peddling a triumphant narrative about the fight against terrorism, his regime has made deals to serve its own interests and ensure its survival.
Intelligence gathered by Western secret services suggested the regime began collaborating actively with these groups again in the spring of 2013. When Jabhat al-Nusra seized control of Syria’s most lucrative oil fields in the eastern province of Deir al-Zour, it began funding its operations in Syria by selling crude oil, with sums raised in the millions of dollars.
“The regime is paying al-Nusra to protect oil and gas pipelines under al-Nusra’s control in the north and east of the country, and is also allowing the transport of oil to regime-held areas,” the source said. “We are also now starting to see evidence of oil and gas facilities under ISIS control.”

The source accepted that the regime and the al-Qaeda affiliates were still hostile to each other and the relationship was opportunistic, but added that the deals confirmed that “despite Assad’s finger-pointing” his regime was to blame for the rise of al-Qaeda in Syria.
Western diplomats were furious at recent claims that delegations of officials led by a retired MI6 officer had visited Damascus to re-open contact with the Assad regime. There is no doubt that the West is alarmed at the rise of al-Qaeda within the rebel ranks, which played a major role in decisions by Washington and London to back off from sending arms to the opposition.
But the fury is also an indication that they suspect they have been outmanoeuvred by Assad, who has during his rule alternated between waging war on Islamist militants and working with them.
After September 11, he co-operated with the United States’ rendition programme for militant suspects; after the invasion of Iraq, he helped al-Qaeda to establish itself in Western Iraq as part of an axis of resistance to the West; then when the group turned violently against the Iraqi Shias who were backed by Assad’s key ally, Iran, he began to arrest them again.
As the uprising against his rule began, Assad switched again, releasing al-Qaeda prisoners. It happened as part of an amnesty, said one Syrian activist who was released from Sednaya prison near Damascus at the same time.

“There was no explanation for the release of the jihadis,” the activist, called Mazen, said. “I saw some of them being paraded on Syrian state television, accused of being Jabhat al-Nusra and planting car bombs. This was impossible, as they had been in prison with me at the time the regime said the bombs were planted. He was using them to promote his argument that the revolution was made of extremists.”
Other activists and former Sednaya inmates corroborated his account, and analysts have identified a number of former prisoners now at the head of militant groups, including Jabhat al-Nusra, ISIS and a third group, Ahrar al-Sham, which fought alongside Jabhat al-Nusra but has now turned against ISIS.
One former inmate said he had been in prison with “Abu Ali” who is now the head of the ISIS Sharia court in the north-eastern al-Qaeda-run city of Raqqa. Another said he knew leaders in Raqqa and Aleppo who were prisoners in Sednaya until early 2012.
These men then spearheaded the gradual takeover of the revolution from secular activists, defected army officers and more moderate Islamist rebels.
Syrian intelligence has historically had close connections with extremist groups. In an interview with The Daily Telegraph after he defected, Nawaf al-Fares, a Syrian security chief, told how he was part of an operation to smuggle jihadist volunteers into Iraq from Syria after the 2003 invasion.

Aron Lund, editor of a website, Syria in Crisis, used by the Carnegie Endowment to monitor the war, said: “The regime has done a good job in trying to turn the revolution Islamist. The releases from Sednaya prison are a good example of this. The regime claims that it released the prisoners because Assad had shortened their sentences as part of a general amnesty. But it seems to have gone beyond that. There are no random acts of kindness from this regime.”
Rebels both inside and outside ISIS also say they believe the regime targeted its attacks on non-militant groups, leaving ISIS alone. “We were confident that the regime would not bomb us,” an ISIS defector, who called himself Murad, said. “We always slept soundly in our bases.”

January 21st, 2014, 7:23 pm


nafdik said:

Thank Mr Dandashi for this honest and very enlightening account.

I think it is the tragedy of Syrians that they are living in two very opposite narratives both totally false. Very reminiscent of the Arab Israeli dual narratives.

This is basic foundation on which suicidal and genocidal activities are built.

January 21st, 2014, 8:24 pm


Observer said:

Here is another example of the destruction of Syria by this regime. In contrast to the father that forbid digging up wells and allowed only for grazing in NE Syria, this one distributed land to his cronies and depleted the water table further.

The three elements of the collapse of Syrian society are in place,
Climate, demographics, and political instability and now with the civil war a complete disintegration.


January 21st, 2014, 9:44 pm


Ghufran said:

Lavrov accuses western and arab media of fabricating the story about tortured prisoners in Syria that was published by the Guardian and other sources, he is also suggesting that SOHR is not credible:
قال وزير الخارجية الروسي سيرجي لافروف، أن التقرير الجديد المرفق بصور لما قيل إنه جثث لنحو 11 ألف سجين تم إعدامهم في سوريا، جزء من الحرب الإعلامية.
وأوضح وزير خارجية روسيا، أن بعض القنوات التلفزيونية
الغربية والإقليمية ذات السمعة سبق أن نقلت صورا، قالت إنها توثق جرائم مزعومة منسوبة للقوات الحكومية في سوريا، لكن بعد التحقيق فيها تبين أنها التقطت منذ 10 سنوات في العراق.
وتابع أن 90% من الأنباء عن جرائم النظام التي ظهرت حتى الآن كانت، كان مصدرها المرصد السوري لحقوق الإنسان، لكن بعد التدقيق في الموضوع، عرفت وزارة الخارجية الروسية أن المرصد عبارة عن شقة صغيرة في لندن، يسكن فيها شخصان.

January 21st, 2014, 11:36 pm


Ghufran said:

This part of dandashi’s story is a departure from the usual doom and gloom when it comes to Syria:
“And yet, in eighteen months in Tartous, I never once heard a single word of abuse or experienced any act of aggression. Tartus before the war was equal parts Christian, Alawite, and Sunni. My being a Sunni from Homs was never held against me”

January 21st, 2014, 11:47 pm


Ghufran said:

This is a follow up written by mr dandashi:

“Tartous could be reduced to an hour’s electricity a day and everyone put on rations of water and bread, it still wont make them turn against the regime. There is *no* alternative to the state as it currently stands. The opposition havent shown they could fix a school or hospital, no one is going to trust them with running a country. No one jumps off the deck of a sinking ship unless theres a lifeboat or another ship nearby”

January 22nd, 2014, 12:30 am


Alan said:

Why all this large number of Muslim Brotherhood in the Conference Switzerland they inevitably do not represent the majority of Syrians! So why all this number? ! Are Saudis believe that the Syrian delegation negotiator has come to deliver them the key to Damascus? Will be crammed as a publisher of terrorism in the corner

January 22nd, 2014, 3:26 am


Observer said:

Here is a nice explanation of how the report was made by non other than Juan Cole


This post on Tartus is a tribute to the resilience of the people who have eked out a living for more than 60 years in the most difficult of conditions.

This is the only hope is to let the people be free to make their future.

Apparently the airplane grounded in Greece was not due to refueling but it was too heavy to take off due to the Drum being so overweight 🙂

January 22nd, 2014, 8:17 am


Alan said:

the so called torture report about Syria was paid for by the same government which finances those rebels in Syria..

Original report on Syrian regime prison kilings payed by Qatar
the link to the original report is here:

who made this report? CNN answers:

The lawyers were hired to write the report by the British law firm Carter-Ruck, which in turn was funded by the Government of Qatar, de Silva told Amanpour. ….
CNN was referred to Carter-Ruck, and this report, by a Qatari government official, and a CNN producer met in the Qatari capital Doha with the report’s authors.

The Christian Science Monitor’s Dan Murphy says yes. Don’t forget the agenda, he warns:

This report is no more credible than the claim last August that Assad gassed his own Alawite supporters with Sarin gas virtually in front of UN chemical weapons inspectors on the very day they arrived. Initially supportive, the UN chemical weapons inspectors have since retracted their claim that they detected Sarin at the site of the attack, and have now conceded that the August 21st attack was, like its predecessors, carried out by the rebels. The agenda is to oust Assad and replace him with a US puppet regime, and the author of that agenda, the United States, has a long track record of using lies and deceptions, like the claim that Saddam Hussein had nuclear weapons, to move their agenda forward.



January 22nd, 2014, 11:03 am


Alan said:

Kerry ! H A N D S O F F S Y R I A

January 22nd, 2014, 11:15 am


rawMouse said:

mr. Aboud Dandachi i find it sad that you hate the government soo much, they are soo bad, but you still enjoy the protection the government gives you etc. if you are soo pro rebel and anti government i cannot understand why didnt you go to rebel areas instead to the government area?

Was it because you like the basic utilities of modern life, such as electricity, running water, etc.? Or maybe that you would have been drafted on the spot into one of the militias?

In any case you come across as a two faced man, spitting on the government (maybe with just cause), but on the other hand milking the government as much as you can.

Your superior morals are on paper, or should i say in internet texting.

January 23rd, 2014, 10:30 am


a syrian said:

lol, this is the same Amgad of Arabia who used to troll this website and twitter threatening Alawis with sectarian genocide. No matter, everyone in Syria knows Tal Wasakh and why its bandits and smugglers joined the “revolution”. What an utter disgrace that Landis allows this idiot to write on his blog, but then again what do you expect from a Syrian “expert” who advocates breaking up Syria into sectarian states which will have wars with each other for decades to come, just like the khaleejis, Americans and Israel want it. Isn’t that why they armed and backed the criminal warlords of the FSA and the extremists of Al Qaeda to begin with? The only way Syria can emerge and recover is if we fight against the deception misinformation and ulterior motives being spread by those kinds of people. As we say in Arabic, tanjara wa laket ghataha.

November 19th, 2014, 11:57 am


Neoprofit AI beylikdüzü escort